Thursday, 20 November 2008

Whose India Is This, Anyway?



By Asad Mustafa
Part1
The theme “whose India is this? keeps coming back to me again and again in numerous articles, news clips, heated discussions and light coffee conversations with my friends and foes alike. What follows is the gist of my understanding on this issue, so far.

In my discussions with other Indians, esp. Hindus, I have often been accused of “Nehruvian pseudo-secularism? and “putting Muslim interests above national interests? For the former, I have to admit that I have a strong preference for Nehru’s thoughts and vision for free India. In my opinion, as far as understanding of communal politics is concerned, no other leader comes close to Nehru – not even Gandhi. For expressing his honest analysis, poor fellow was often vilified as pro-Muslim or anti-Hindu or even more nastily as in Sri K. N. Rao’s “Nehru Dynasty? in which the author goes to the extent of casting aspersions on Nehru’s paternity. However, in my opinion, if one honestly analyzes India’s communal politics, it will be evident that Nehru’s insights are not just true, but probably the only answer to save India from disaster. For the latter charge of putting Muslim interests above national interests, I have to say that I have tried to ponder on these issues as honestly as possible without giving undue weight to my self interests as a Muslim. However I am open to corrections and welcome all criticisms if the readers here find that I have been less than honest.

While communal politics of any hue is dangerous for India, in my view, majority communalism poses a much greater threat to India than usually recognized. Let me make it very clear that I am not trying here to soft-pedal the threat posed by minority extremist groups such as SIMI. (Though for clarity’s sake, I will exclude discussion on Kashmir, which I believe is much more than communal extremism. And also to some extent any border states where different dynamics may come into play.)

Groups like SIMI are and will continue to be a major nuisance and law and order problem to the state; however, I do not see them to be in a position to pose a serious threat to Indian nation due to a very specific reason. In order to mobilize mass support for a radical ideology, it is crucial for the ideologues to be able to offer an alternative vision that is concrete, tangible and achievable. Usually such alternate vision is either in the form of a separate nation or a promise where an existing nation is to be taken over for use by that radical ideology. Minority extremist groups operating in the heartland of India suffer from an irredeemable weakness on both the fronts. For the former, they are so widely dispersed without a decisive concentration in any geographical area that a separatist alternative fails to capture the imagination of their audience. People may still collude with them, however without being convinced by them, which in my opinion, makes all the difference. Even in the strongholds of SIMI, their supporter’s feelings keep oscillating from soft sympathy to downright suspicion.

That leaves such groups with the only alternative of offering a vision for the taking over of existing nation for use of their radical ideology. However, for this goal they are so outnumbered that their vision fails to carry conviction at the mass level. Even radical Muslims find it difficult to believe that one day they can turn India into an Islamic nation. Devoid of this crucial ingredient of an alternative vision that is simultaneously concrete, tangible and achievable, such minority extremist groups can never hope to be in a position to mobilize a mass support that is needed to pose any serious threat to Indian nation. These groups are doomed to operate, not unlike outlaws of Chambal, preying upon complaints, discontent and disillusionment of local population to further their agenda. They will continue to remain a policing problem but will rarely grow to the extent of needing a military solution. Just like any other criminal gang, they will have to be dealt sternly and effectively by the state.

Dangers posed by RSS/VHP brand of politics are, however in my opinion, in a different league altogether. They are in a position to offer an alternative vision in form of “Hindu Rashtra?, that is concrete, tangible and simultaneously achievable. Their alternative vision has all the crucial ingredients that are necessary to fire the imagination of masses and achieve the critical mass that has the potential to overturn India’s destiny. I sometimes find even well meaning people not fully appreciating dangers posed by RSS/VHP brand of politics. They believe that in essence these organizations are nationalistic in nature – slightly orthodox, slightly biased against minorities but overall not capable of inflicting any serious harm to India. They think that their anti-minority posturing is nothing more than a vote-grabbing tactic or may be even a necessity as a counter-balance to minority extremism in the country. What I intend to argue here that such ideologies can and often do, unleash forces that go much beyond their original agenda or the capacity of their parent organizations to control, even if they did not deliberately intend it. We have seen this in Italy and Germany in WW-II and in India in 1984, 1992 and 2002 that radical ideologies espoused by majority communalism have a much grater potential of snowballing into catastrophic proportions than initially visualized by anyone.

It is obvious to anyone that RSS/VHP brand of politics is disastrous to minorities of India, however, what about Hindus themselves? Hindus are an overwhelming majority in India. Wouldn’t India as a “Hindu Rashtra? be in the interests of Hindus and by implication, in the interest of majority of Indians? My considered conclusion on this issue is – no. In my opinion, India as a “Hindu Rashtra? will be as detrimental to interests of Hindus as to the minorities. I will be elaborating my argument on this in the second part of this article.
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Part 2
In the first part of this article I argued why I consider Hindu militant nationalism practiced by RSS/ VHP brand of politics the greatest threat being faced by Indian nation. Expectedly my observation raised objections – most of them well meaning- that classifying communalism as minority or majority is self defeating as it tries to rationalize minority communalism. I admit that this is a sensitive territory and it may appear that I am trying to find excuses for minority communalism. However, let me state once again that it is not my intention here to rationalize anything. I am trying to understand the potential and possible impacts of communalism on the fabric of Indian nation and it is my conclusion that Hindu militancy has a much greater potential and likelihood to sabotage India’s future than anything else.

An objection was raised on this forum that it was Muslim extremism that finally led to creation of Pakistan (and Bangladesh), and hence my claim that minority communalism lacks the wherewithal for creation of a new nation is invalid. In my opinion, creation of Pakistan exactly proves my point that geographical concentration is a critical factor required for a national (or anti-national) ideology to become a mass movement. Before you can convince people about a new nation, you necessarily have to have a convincing answer to “where"?. In the absence of a convincing answer to “where", any national (or anti-national) ideology can only remain on the margins of society with a few radicals passing their dreams from one generation to the other, bringing constant nuisance and destruction in their wake but nothing more. The reason I consider Hindu militancy a greater threat to India is that they have all the critical ingredients for a neo-national movement and their progress towards this goal has been steady, continuous and sometimes unchallenged, in recent times.

In most cases, distorted comparison of two types of communalism comes into picture since majority communalism is able to hide behind militant nationalism. Majority communalism does not seem to impact territorial integrity of the nation and hence treated as relatively harmless. On the other hand, few minority extremist groups dream of taking over the nation and hence easily identified as anti-national. SIMI provides an interesting contrast here. In my college days, I have known and spoken to many SIMI ideologues and it was quite apparent that they were not pursuing any “separatist' agenda. Rather their official goal was to “take back"? India and convert it into an “Islamic nation", just as it was in medieval times. In this, their goal is a direct mirror image of RSS’ “Hindu Rashtra"? concept. I do not know if it makes their goals any more holier than a separatist movement, however some people indeed seem to think so. In any case while SIMI’s agenda isclearly recognized as anti-India – which it certainly is – RSS version of “Hindu Rashtra"? is largely treated with benign indifference even by educated Indians. In my view, this difference makes RSS version of “Hindu Rashtra" even more dangerous.

Let us now try to realistically assess what “Hindu Rashtra" can mean for India. On the positive side, “Hindu Rashtra" can bring a homogenization effect on India and probably smoothen some of the conflicts that we see today in India. However, on the negative side, it will cause the entire minority population – which though small in terms of percentage is still substantially large in absolute numbers – to loose their stake in the nation building and its survival. From Sri Lanka to Yugoslavia and from Rwanda to Lebanon, we have repeatedly seen what such transition or even attempts for transition can lead to. In this case, example of Rwanda has eerie resemblance to Indian situation. Minority Tutsi - less educated than majority Hutu, more involved in criminal activities, substantially less represented in administration and government and substantially poor – were portrayed as the root cause of all problems of Rwanda. It was widely believed that if only, Rwanda could somehow get rid of its “nuisance"? Tutsi minority, a very bright future awaited their nation. What happened later is too painful to recount.

After sixty years of independence, Indian economy is finally in some position to take off. It should come as a matter of happiness for all. However, buoyed by economic success, rhetoric of Hindu militancy has taken an even more sinister turn. In states, where these forces are in power, such as in Gujarat, it is evident for anyone to see that less educated and less successful Muslim minority is already being portrayed as a “burden"? on state resources and as an impediment to nation’s economic progress. An already marginalized and beleaguered community is pushed more into the corner, but people do not seem unduly perturbed by these latest developments.

India was fortunate to have an Ambedkar who gave a world class constitution for an emerging nation, and a Nehru who chose the unusual path of constitutional democracy that was unheard of in a poor nation like India. Subsequent generation of Indians have reaped the fruit of solid constitutional foundation laid by Ambedkar and Nehru. However, how long they can expect it to serve them, if they keep pushing India determinedly towards the situations of a civil war? Whether justified or unjustified, it is for anyone to see that a social and economic segregation on communal lines has already set in in parts of India and if not rectified in time neither our booming IT industry nor our rising sensex will be able to save us from doom. In my view, “Hindu Rashtra? is the last thing India can afford. It will be the end of our dreams – Hindus and Muslims alike (and Sikhs and Christians and others as well) of building a modern and progressive nation. What makes this prospect still more chilly is the fact that this is not an unrealistic prognosis. Fault lines have already been nurtured and carefully crafted on Hindu vs. non-Hindu issue and one or two emotive issues are all that is needed to bring the situation to a full fledged chaos. I am not saying that minority extremist groups in India have got any less obnoxious agendas for them. However, I do not see any of them having necessary reach to precipitate such a disaster on national scale. It is only Hindu militant groups that have sufficient reach and acceptance to push India into a calamity on national level.

Many Indians do not seem to understand the rationale behind constitutional restrictions against polarizing votes on communal lines. They think that these are good things to have like pious assertions of “do not tell a lie? or “respect your elders? etc., but in essence do not mean much. They fail to see that polarization of elections on communal lines undermines the very basis of democratic process. If elections are polarized on communal lines, then minorities may as well abstain from voting. Their vote would not impact the outcome in a polarized election. A recent example of this can be seen in latest Gujarat assembly election where BJP did not even went for canvassing in Muslim majority areas. As a politician, Mr. Modi probably did the right thing by not going to Muslim majority areas, which were anyway not going to vote for him. However, with this one stroke, he also took away the last shred of dignity from that person, who nurtured the belief – albeit false- that at least for a day he had the power to punish him. The message is unambiguously clear: we do not want you and we do not care for you. While most of the BJP leaders havetreated Muslims as “necessary evil?, Mr. Modi is unique in downgrading them by one more notch to the status of “unnecessary evil?. Even their votes are not needed!

I am often asked that for years, various political parties have tried to polarize minority votes on communal issues. Why single out BJP on this? I agree that their objection is valid. However, in my opinion, even when minority votes are polarized on communal lines – though unconstitutional – it still does not impose the same challenges on democratic process. Even when minority votes are polarized, majority votes are still important. They do not get excluded from the democratic process. OTOH, polarization of majority votes effectively excludes minorities from any democratic forum to raise their voice. In a polarized election, their votes become meaningless. Let me add here that I am not condoning polarization of minority votes on communal lines, however I want to make sure that the difference in their effect is seen clearly. Polarization of votes on communal lines does not leave minority groups with any democratic leverage to make their voices heard, while it is not the same for majority. Anyone who cares for the long term stability of India should be worried with the prospect where one group does not have or is made to feel that it does not have recourse to a democratic weapon.

Next in the argument, suppose for a moment that India turns into a “Hindu Rashtra"? in a peaceful manner. Wouldn’t that be in the interests of Hindus at least? Now here is my argument that I am almost embarrassed to raise. I say- “embarrassed?, because as a Muslim, I am aware that Muslim majority nations have themselves not set any good examples to boast of. Quite frankly, some of the worst offenders in this category might be Muslim majority nations. Anyway, it is immaterial whether the policy is followed by a Muslim majority nation or otherwise. As far as I can see there is a direct correlation in a society’s backwardness and its closed world view. I have been living in the US for past few years and in my opinion, the greatest strength of this country is its open world view and its willingness to learn from others. Correlation between a closed world view and backwardness is so strong that you can observe it even in those countries which have almost similar economies. Thus Kuwait is more developed than Bahrain which in turn is more developed than Iran, though all three share similar economic resources.

In my view, the best example of this correlation comes from the history of Islam itself. Glorious days of Islamic civilization have almost invariably been characterized by an open world view and a willingness to learn from others. Whatever RSS history books might tell, a casual reading of the world history will convince the reader that on medieval standards, Islamic centers were some of the most tolerant and least xenophobic cultures medieval world had seen. Treatises of Aryabhatta and Bhaskaracharya were debated in Basra and Baghdad, much before anyone else had even heard of them. Socrates, Plato and Aristotle would have been lost to humanity but for their Arabic translations. Contrast this with today, where there is a rush among “Islamic"? countries to see who can come up with most retrograde and obnoxious interpretation of Quran and Hadees; and also contrast this with their general well being today. There is no reason to believe that India will be an exception to this correlation. If we are wise, we can always learn from others’ mistake. However, if we are committed to learn the hard way, we can choose to make our own mistakes.

A related issue often comes into discussions about minorities’ plight in Pakistan and Bangladesh. I do not know how to respond to such arguments. Did we adopt a modern and progressive constitution in India to compete with Pakistan and Bangladesh after 60 years? And why stop there? May be Uganda or Surinam or Cameroon treat their minorities still worse. Should we then adopt them as our role models? Some Indian Muslims – defensive of minorities’ treatment in Pakistan or Bangladesh – give examples of Kuwait or UAE, where minorities are a shade better. I do not know why we should settle for even these middling nations? Why not compare ourselves with the US or UK or France? My sincere request to everyone is to stop degrading India by comparing it to Pakistan and Bangladesh. If we keep on comparing ourselves always with failures, that is the most we will reach. We have much better examples in the world than Pakistan or Bangladesh. Rather, in my opinion, Pakistan is a great example of where radicalization of majority world view can lead a nation.

I have often been told that Hinduism is an essentially tolerant religion and a “Hindu Rashtra? can never degenerate into a religious bigotry. I am going to make some observations here with full humility and utmost respect towards Hinduism. In my view – whatever the pious proclamations of a religion may declare – it is always amenable to abuse. The evidence of Hinduism’s tolerance from medieval periods when it did not have political power is hardly meaningful. On the other hand, evidence from post independence India is for everyone to see and I can not say that in itself it is any reassuring. Even before independence, Hindus had undisputed power over one section of society – viz. Dalits – and their treatment of Dalits would hardly convince anyone that because of its essential tolerance, Hinduism can not degenerate into bigotry. In my viewit is only the solid constitutional safeguards that can check religious bigotry, not the pious assertions in a particular belief.

An often overlooked aspect of “Hindu Rashtra? concept is the place of Dalits in “Hindu Rashtra?. Ambedkar had at one time asked for Dalitstan due exactly to the apprehension of a “Hindu Rashtra?. Though, in recent times, Dalits have often been mobilized against the common enemy viz. Muslim, “Hindu Rashtra? is still largely for a Sanskritized Hinduism, which beef eating Dalits have little in common with. It is for anyone to see that when anti-Muslim passions generated by riots cool down, interests of Dalits are almost always at variance with caste Hindus. As far as I can see, in the absence of a common enemy viz. Muslims, Dalits will have a very tough time reconciling to RSS version of “Hindu Rashtra?. And I find it dreadful to even speculate on what could be the final impact of “Hindu Rashtra? on our North East states or Punjab.

Of course, this dreadful prospect is not something that is our inescapable destiny. We still have a fine constitutional machinery that has served us well. All that is needed is that we do not undermine it and do not bulldoze it with brute force. Indians have a lot to thank their stars that the architects of their nation were leaders of tremendous sagacity and foresight. However, if they are hell bent on digging their graves, no one else will come to shed tears for them.


Flashback 1992: Demolition of Babri Mosque


Flashback 1992: 15th Anniversary Of Babri Masjid Demolition
By Asad Mustafa 
In many ways it is just like any other Lucknow winter day. Sun has come up and my mother is watching her pickles dry on the roof. Our neighbor, Shukla-ji’s daughter has come for a lazy winterafternoon conversation with my mother and is oiling her hair. I am struggling with unsolved papers from previous years’ JEE tests. This year’s JEE is going to be my first big test in the real world.

It all looks normal – even the muffled background loudspeaker blaring somewhere from Sadhwi Ritambhara’s famous “Baabar ki aulaad? cassette seems almost natural part of this. The cassette has been repeated so many times that I can now tell in advance where she will pause for effect, where she will raise the pitch and where she will go almost hysterical. Occasional chants of “jis hindu ka, khun na khaula, khun nahin woh paani hai? are nothing new to me. Neither are lectures from some other orators played one after the other, who forcefully argue that those who want a mosque have full liberty to go and build their mosques in Pakistan and Saudi Arab. I have heard this for 2-3 years by now and accepted it as normal. However old-timers insist that it is not normal – at least not for Lucknow. Not long after, they will start recollecting old tales of how Lucknow remained peaceful even in the days of partition. Everyone will finally and grimly agree that times have changed.

In the adjoining room my father, two cousins, my elder sister and her husband are engaged in heated debate. I know it is the same old topic. Will they or will they not?

My elder cousin is vehement:
“These kar-sevaks are gathering in thousands. If no action is taken by the government now, nothing else will be possible later.?

My sister has her own views:
“This is all politics. BJP may be able to get some votes from this, that’s all. Relations between Hindus and Muslims of Lucknow will remain the same.?

My cousin doesn’t agree:
“Relations have already changed and they have changed forever. Now, there is no going back.?

My father – a retired bureaucrat – continues to think in sarkari terms even after retirement:
“Raising a populist sentiment is one thing and acting on it is another. The police and the law enforcement agencies have no choice in this. They will have to go by the law.?

I remember it is the same argument he had when we were at our relatives’ place in Karachi a few months back. My relatives in Karachi had heard of Ayodhya and were wondering how Muslims of India surrounded by an overwhelming Hindu majority were able to resist the tide of such a massive movement for so long.

“It is not a question of resisting anything?, my father would reply. “It is a question of rule of law. We are not a banana republic. There is judiciary, the free press, the opposition, the law enforcement agencies. When it comes to the brass task, none of the mob tactics will work. One thing is certain that they cannot take it by force. There are constitutional guarantees in India that no government can take away.?

My relatives looked impressed and awed. “We have a long way to go in Pakistan?, they conceded in defeat.

My reverie is broken as I can hear some commotion down below at our door. It is our neighbors. They seem to be discussing something important with my father:

“Rizvi saahab. We can take responsibility for our own people. But what if someone comes from the outside? There may be reaction of Ayodhya here.?

Reaction?? I am puzzled. All I know is that thousands - perhaps lakhs - of kar-sevaks have gathered around an old dilapidated disputed mosque with the intention of pulling it down. If these kar-sevaks succeed in demolishing the structure, there could be “reaction�? against Muslims living in our locality! Why? I am struggling.

“You see, from the outside, your house is indistinguishable. It is the name plate….?

“But the names are in stone. Do you want me to break this wall and remove the stone?? my father sounds more hurt than angry.

“No, no. All we suggest is that you paint over the names and write something else on it…for your own safety.?

My jiju and cousins have also come outside. On top is the name of my late grandfather – Dr. Masood Rizvi. A medical doctor with Indian Army, he served in three wars and died couple of years back. It is time for the next generation to show their gratitude and this generation has given its verdict: name of a late war veteran is a nuisance to social harmony because his beliefs were different. His memory is too communal. It has to go.

“Think of some “neutral? name for your house and write over it?, suggests someone.

“Aman?, my father mumbles in defeated tones. “Aman means peace. What better name in these troubled times??

Others are not so sure. “Aman is too Urdu-ish. It sounds Muslim. Think of something else- something more neutral.?

My father is speechless. This is Lucknow! … birth place of Urdu; this is where during Ram Charit Maanas akhand-paaths, someone will invariably ask for – and be provided with - a copy of Ram Charit Maanas in Urdu script, since this is all he can read. This is where you could be surprised by a chaste Urdu diction from a tonga-wallah. But, no; “aman” is too-Urdu-is. It won’t do in Lucknow. When did these fault lines become so sharp?

My jiju suggests “Samandar? – the sea. Sea is neither Hindu nor Muslim. It is perfectly neutral. Or, is it? “Samandar is Urdu?, corrects someone. “In Hindi, it is Samudra.? My father now cannot take it any more. He has limits to his self-respect. “I think Samandar is OK. If it means trouble for us, let it be so.”

Private channels have now arrived in India, but they are in their infancy and their coverage is insipid. BBC is still the only reliable source and it is hardly coming with any comforting news. Number of kar-sevaks has now swelled into lakhs. On DD, the Prime Minister has warned that he would not allow anyone to take law in their hands. Advani has clarified that the purpose of this mobilization is only a show of strength of popular sentiments, nothing more. This sounds reassuring. But Uma Bharati has insisted that the gathering is there for the purpose of pulling down the mosque and so has Bal Thakerey. Then there are scores of unaffiliated outfits that do not know why they are there.
Total confusion!

Atal-ji has appealed to both the sides for showing restraint. Atal-ji is a statesman. He doesn’t take sides. It is an hour of crisis for India. Hindus and Muslims – both – will have to demonstrate restraint.

There is another news clip that Chief Minister Kalyan Singh has filed affidavit in court affirming that his government is taking all action to maintain status quo. My father is jubilant. “Raising populist sentiments is one thing, acting on them is quite different. We have judiciary, the free press, the opposition. We are not a banana republic. There are constitutional guarantees…?” I suddenly feel a surge of inexplicable pride. Yes! We are not a banana republic! Among the darkness of South East Asia’s dictatorships, we are the only nation built on secular and democratic principles…

The morning after is the big day. I hear that police bandobast is fool-proof. Center has taken strict action and an army division has been stationed to build confidence. There are reports that even RSS workers are requesting volunteers to return back peacefully! People elsewhere are glued to BBC. And then suddenly, I hear bursting of crackers in the air, then more and some more… followed by chants of “Jai Sri Ram”? and the gratuitous, “Pakistan Murdabad”? My father has switched off the radio set, gone to his study and locked the door from the inside.

My mother and sister come rushing from the kitchen, “Is the mosque broken?” I do not know, and frankly I do not care. All I know for sure is that something else has broken that was much more precious and sacred than any mosque or temple in India.